Tuesday, February 3, 2009

Wen Jiabao: The crisis has not yet hit the bottom, and it is hard to predict what other problems there will be down the path

"The crisis has not yet hit the bottom, and it is hard to predict what other problems there will be down the path,” Wen Jiabao

I suppose one should consider Wen Jiabao carrying around a copy of Adam Smith's book, "Theory of Moral Sentiments," an improvement over carrying around Mao's "Little Red Book;" however, Adam Smith certainly does not explain capitalist economic depressions nor what comes after capitalism.

I do find it an interesting technique Wen Jiabao is using to throw talk about "moral sentiments" in the face of capitalists... however, we really need to be asking why he isn't also following up with an even stronger dose of Marxism.

Morality has never been a very powerful influence on capitalists in spite of all their studies of Adam Smith... we have seen capitalist "morality" in play in Gaza in recent days. We witnessed capitalist "morality" in what came with Hurricane Katrina.

One must suspect that Barack Obama in his studies at Harvard was likely to have very thoroughly studied Adan Smith's, "Theory of Moral Sentiments;" yet, Obama remained silent as the Israeli killing machine slaughtered hundreds in a shocking, modern day pogrom.

Wen Jiaboa is preaching to the capitalist hypocrites like those who used to wave Mao's "Little Red Book" of quotations in the fight against imperialism. All Wen Jiaboa has to do is add a few quotes from the Bible to make his dog-and-pony show complete and he will have an act fit to star in the center ring under the Big Top in the capitalist circus. Perhaps some clown will even toss a shoe at Wen Jiaboa's head to bring the act to conclusion before a gaggle of clowns comes in to allow him to leave the center ring to get us ready for the main act--- Barack Obama.

This is a very interesting comment coming from Wen Jiabao, the Chinese leader who is supposed to be a Communist.

This comment causes one to wonder if Wen Jiabao has ever studied Marxism because he demonstrates very little grasp of the capitalist economy in making this statement... and he demonstrates an even shallower understanding of Marxism in saying, in this interview, that he "thought things were beginning to turn around."

Wen Jiabao only would have to read basic Marxist texts like "Socialism: Utopian and Scientific" to understand the capitalist economy is coming crashing down in a depression which should enable Wen Jiabao to conclude that China will have to find solutions to its problems in expanding socialist democracy and the socialist economy rather then by collaborating with the imperialists.

Very troubling is Wen Jiabao's remark: "I want to make clear here that I will be most sincere in all my answers, but I may not tell you everything.

"May not tell you everything," is a very disconcerting comment coming from one who lays claim to being a Communist leader.

Why would any Communist refuse to tell working people in China or any place else in the world what he or she fully understands and knows?

Communists have never withheld the truth from working people... only the faux--- fake Communists, the revisionists and sellouts--- who find protection in cuddling up to capitalist politicians like Barack Obama and the Wall Street crowd pulling Obama's strings, rather than throwing in their lot with the working class proceed in such a dishonest manner.

In fact, it is relatively easy for any working class woman or man to figure out what is going on and just how desperate the situation is; a situation which a leader of the U.S. Federal Reserve Board has described as, "Not your garden variety recession."

In fact, to begin to understand what is going on with the capitalist economy we have to understand that this is not merely a "global economic downturn;" but, rather, a global capitalist economic depression of immense proportions from which capitalism is never going to "recover."

All the facts are there for Wen Jiabao, or anyone else to see, if they are open-minded enough to try to understand what is happening.

It will be virtually impossible for anyone to understand what is going on with the capitalist economy without turning to Marxism for answers simply because Karl Marx and Frederick Engels made the most exhaustive study of the capitalist economy.

One does not have to be a Communist to read and study what the Marxists have to say about economics; however, solving the problems capitalism has created is another matter.

The capitalists have reaped the profits and left the working class with poverty and problems... huge problems; the closer we examine the problems the reality is the larger the problems become.

Make no mistake, capitalism is on the skids to oblivion and humanity is now well along down the road to perdition.

Frederick Engels, Karl Marx' friend, colleague and comrade had this to say which very clearly defines what is happening to the capitalist economy today:

From: Frederick Engels's--- Socialism: Utopian and Scientific/ (part of his /Anti-Dühring/), is a description of the crisis of capitalism that seems uncannily appropriate to today.


* * *

Commerce is at a standstill, the markets are glutted, products accumulate, as multitudinous as they are unsaleable, hard cash disappears, credit vanishes, factories are closed, the mass of the workers are in want of the means of subsistence, because they have produced too much of the means of subsistence; bankruptcy follows upon bankruptcy, execution upon execution. The stagnation lasts for years; productive forces and products are wasted and destroyed wholesale, until the accumulated mass of commodities finally filter off, more or less depreciated in value, until production and exchange gradually begin to move again. Little by little the pace quickens. It becomes a trot. The industrial trot breaks into a canter, the canter in turn grows into the headlong gallop of a perfect steeplechase of industry, commercial credit and speculation, which finally, after breakneck leaps, ends where it began--in the ditch of a crisis. And so over and over again. We have now, since the year 1825, gone through this five times, and at the present moment (1877) we are going through it for the sixth time.... The fact that the socialised organisation of production within the factory has developed so far that it has become incompatible with the anarchy of production in society, which exists side by side with and dominates it, is brought home to the capitalists themselves by the violent concentration of capital that occurs during crises, through the ruin of many large, and a still greater number of small, capitalists. The whole mechanism of the capitalist mode of production breaks down under the pressure of the productive forces, its own creations. It is no longer able to turn all this mass of means of production into capital. They lie fallow, and for that very reason the industrial reserve army must also lie fallow. Means of production, means of subsistence, available labourers, all the elements of production and of general wealth, are present in abundance. But "abundance becomes the source of distress and want" (Fourier), because it is the very thing that prevents the transformation of the means of production and subsistence into capital. For in capitalistic society the means of production can only function when they have undergone a preliminary transformation into capital, into the means of exploiting human labour power.

Frederick Engels's---
Socialism: Utopian and Scientific/
part of his...
Anti Dühring/
New York: International Publishers, 1935, pages 64-65


Perhaps Wen Jiabao doesn't feel comfortable citing Frederick Engels for fear of offending his new found capitalist friends... however, if anyone believes this is not what is happening with the capitalist economy they should step forward with their reasons... Wen Jiabao failing to point this out is not helping anyone except a small grouping of capitalist who continue to cling to power simply because so many working people do not understand what Engels was writing about.

The problems are too big and far to complex for capitalism to resolve.

Hurricane Katrina exposed this; even though there are many who would like to dump all blame on George Bush.For sure George Bush was a big part of the problem; but, what hurricane Katrina and the aftermath demonstrated is that capitalism is simply not able to solve big problems in a way that is good for most of the people--- people who happen to be, in the majority, working people who are suffering. Katrina created the damage, but, Mother Nature was assisted in her rage by a very corrupt government which had abandoned taking care of public infrastructure as capitalists stole the wealth created by workers, thus preventing proper maintenance of dikes and canals, etc. And after the damage was done, there have been no resources to repair the damage and restore the community because capitalists are hoarding the wealth--- funds which should be available to rebuild after such a natural disaster.

Whether in the aftermath of Katrina or the many other problems now being experienced by people across the globe we are all confronted with a common problem: The tremendous wealth working people have created now belongs to the capitalist exploiters and we are confronted with the very problem Frederick Engels describes above which Wen Jiabao either is not familiar with like so many other people, or, this is one of those things he chooses not to talk about.

This is a very important interview; what is sad is that working people have to read between the lines and try to figure out what Wen Jiabao did not tell... fortunately, we can study Marxism for ourselves to learn what Wen Jiabao has apparently promised his new found capitalist friends he would not tell working people.

This is a very interesting article from the Financial Times and a very informative interview. I would encourage everyone to read, and re-read the article and interview.

I would suggest that in reading the article and interview that you repeatedly ask yourself: What is going to happen to the lives of working people on the way down to "the bottom;" and, do we really want to find out what is waiting for us "at the bottom?"

I do not use the word "perdition" loosely.

Make no mistake, capitalism is on the skids to oblivion and we are well down the capitalist road to perdition.

Wen Jiabao in stating, "it is hard to predict what other problems there will be down the path" would have been more accurate--- and honest--- in stating something like: try to imagine the problems before us on the capitalist path; whatever problems you might imagine, the problems are going to be much worse.

Alan L. Maki



[Note: The Full Transcript of the interview with Wen Jiabao from the Financial Times of London upon which the story below is based can be found at the end of this story.]

Downturn causes 20 million job losses in China

By Jamil Anderlini in Beijing and Geoff Dyer in London

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/19c25aea-f0f5-11dd-8790-0000779fd2ac.html?nclick_check=1

Published: February 2 2009

More than 20 million rural migrant workers in China have lost their jobs and returned to their home villages or towns as a result of the global economic crisis, government figures revealed on Monday.

By the start of the Chinese new year festival on January 25, 15.3 per cent of China’s 130m migrant workers had lost their jobs and left coastal manufacturing centres to return home, said officials quoting a survey from the agriculture ministry.


The job losses were a direct result of the global economic crisis and its impact on export-oriented manufacturers, said Chen Xiwen, director of the Office of Central Rural Work Leading Group. He warned that the flood of unemployed migrants would pose challenges to social stability in the countryside.

The figure of 20 million unemployed migrants does not include those who have stayed in cities to look for work after being made redundant and is substantially higher than the figure of 12 million that Wen Jiabao, premier, gave to the Financial Times in an interview on Sunday. Speaking on a visit to the UK on Monday, Mr Wen said there had been signs at the end of last year the Chinese economy might be starting to recover.

In a speech at Cambridge University later, he warned that the global economy could face further problems. “The crisis has not yet hit the bottom, and it is hard to predict what other problems there will be down the path,” he said. Governments should avoid any policies that allowed them to “progress at the expense of others”, he added.

Mr Wen’s speech was interrupted by a protester who called him a “dictator” and threw a shoe at the stage – an act reminiscent of the Iraqi journalist who threw shoes at George W. Bush, former US president, at a press conference in Baghdad last year. Police said they had arrested the man.

Production in China’s manufacturing sector declined for the sixth successive month in January, according to Hong Kong brokerage CLSA, which said on Monday that its purchasing managers’ index hit 42.2, up marginally from December but well below the no-change mark of 50.



This is the Full Transcript of the interview the story above with Wen Jiabao is based on.

Published: February 2 2009 10:51 | Last updated: February 2 2009 10:51

The interview was conducted by Lionel Barber, editor of the Financial Times

Wen Jiabao: I want to make clear here that I will be most sincere in all my answers, but I may not tell you everything.

Lionel Barber: Premier, when you were in Davos this week, and everybody was talking about how to restore confidence, there was also some talk about shooting bankers; that certainly will not restore confidence. What can China do today, in this global financial crisis, to restore confidence?

WJ: Yes, indeed, I attended the Davos WEF Annual Meeting, and paid a visit to the European countries. I want to call this trip a journey of confidence. I have brought with me confidence in tiding over the difficulties caused by the financial crisis. I have brought with me the confidence that China will work closely with the European countries to push forward our strategic partnership. And I have brought with me the confidence that China will work with the international community to get through the difficult times together.

I’m confident that the Chinese economy will be able to get through the difficult times caused by the financial crisis. This confidence has been based on a scientific approach, as well as the realities in today’s world, as well as in China. The source of my confidence is based on the correct judgment we have made of the current situation.

I feel confident, because over the past 30 years of reform and opening up, China has put in place a solid, material and technical foundation, and we have now in place good institutions and mechanisms.

I’m confident because China has a stable financial system. And also because China has a big market potential and a large room for manoeuvre.

Most importantly, my confidence is based on the decisive and firm decisions that the Chinese government has adopted. We took these decisions with great intensity and at a proper pace.

I think I have given you a sketch of what the Chinese government has done, and if you are interested in any details, I’m ready to answer any question.

LB: Is this stimulus package big enough? Or do you believe further measures will be needed?

WJ: In meeting the financial crisis, it is imperative that governments must adopt a big enough package plan to stimulate the economic development. Such a plan must be comprehensive and complete. It must target both the root causes and symptoms of the issues, and also take into account both immediate difficulties and long term development.

Our package plan has five key components.

Number one: we want to stimulate greater domestic demand that will be mainly supported by massive government spending.

Number two: we are making adjustment to, and revitalising ten key industries.

Number three: we will take steps to advance technical upgrading.

Number four: we aim to put in place a fairly comprehensive safety net.

And number five: we aim to preserve financial stability to support economic development.

Do you want me to cite some figures, or statistics of that?

We have an investment programme worth Rmb4 trillion within two years to stimulate domestic demand, especially consumer demand.

We will spend Rmb600bn on scientific and technical innovation and technical upgrading.

We will make an investment of Rmb850bn for the improvement of medical and health care system.

The financial crisis has not yet hit the bottom, and we will continue to follow very closely the development of the situation.

We may take further new timely and decisive measures…

All these measures have to be taken pre-emptively before an economic recession, so as to maximise the desirable effect, otherwise our efforts will be wasted.

LB: Did you see, as many economists in Asia witnessed, a very sharp decline in GDP in the fourth quarter in China, like falling off a cliff?

WJ: China’s GDP was at 9 per cent as a whole last year, but in the fourth quarter of 2008 we also had a big decline and it fell to 6.8 per cent. As a result of the international financial crisis, we are seeing the diminishing external demand.

Our businesses are now experiencing difficulties. We now have over capacity in some industries and also rising unemployment. Our economy is under increased downward pressure and all this means that we are now facing great difficulties. Maybe you will ask how come you still feel confident under such circumstances.

LB: How can you be so confident that you can magically hit that 8 per cent figure? And how can you stop all those statistical experts saying.

WJ: Well, I think this is dependent on four factors. First, we must ensure that all policy measures we have adopted are the right ones as well as the effective ones. So far all these policy measures we have adopted are aimed at stimulating the real economy and also stimulating spending.

Well, actually the major impact of the financial crisis on the Chinese economy has been on its real economy. Secondly, one must act fast. We started to take action from July last year and we started to adopt massive steps from October last year.

During last December the central government took the decision of making an investment of Rmb100bn and I can tell you now that this investment has been put in place in terms of real funds and on what projects the money will be spent. Before the Spring Festival we also made available another investment of Rmb130bn and the funds were disbursed to the necessary projects.

Thirdly, we must take forceful steps. Under special circumstances; necessary and extraordinary measures are required. We should not be restricted by conventions.

Success or failure depends on the pace and intensity of those measures. Fourth, we must make sure that these measures are effective ones.

Around the end of last year and early this year we took steps to make the household appliances, agricultural machinery, as well as automobiles more available to the rural areas of China.

From the beginning of January this year we started to undertake the transformation of the value added tax in China, which saved businesses in China Rmb120bn. All these measures have already been implemented.

LB: Consumer spending, Premier Wen, is crucial. Do you agree with the proposition that consumer spending is patriotic?

WJ: We would not put it as simply as that. I think that is a view that is maybe held by some media people or by some individuals.

But we do believe that consumer spending is vital in boosting economic development. I don’t think we can know how much a consumer will spend eventually, and whether he wants to spend is not dependant on what kind of slogan we have.

But it is really dependant on how much money he has in his pocket and whether we have those marketable products available. We have actually taken some steps to address this issue. At the beginning of this year we gave lump sum subsidies to 74 million people.

On average each will have Rmb100 to Rmb150. For the fifth time we have raised the pension benefits for enterprise retirees by 10 per cent and each one will have Rmb110. We have also increased the basic cost of living for people living in difficult circumstances and increased the special assistance and allowances for the groups who are entitled to them. We have also taken another step that is very difficult.

That is we have increased the wages for the 12m middle and primary school teachers who are in the compulsory education period in the Chinese educational system. We want to bring the wage level of those teachers up to the same level as the public servants.

I think people will be ready to spend when they have the money. We also took the policy that from January 20 2009 to December 31st 2009 there will be a policy of halving the purchasing tax of vehicles of 1.6 litre engines or below, and on the first day the policy was introduced it gave such a strong boost to the sales of automobiles on the Chinese market that even the inventories were all gone.

LB: Before I turn to the international aspects of this crisis I have one small question regarding rural China. You visited over 2,000 Chinese counties I understand? What specific measures are you taking to assure social stability as unemployment rises and many, many people are returning to the land? And within that question, one last question on the Agricultural Bank of China. Are you planning to use $800bn to recapitalise it.

Translator: The Agricultural Bank of China?

WJ: When I was Vice Premier of the State Council rural affairs in China were already a part of my portfolio, and since I became the Premier of the State Council I have always put rural affairs at the forefront of the government agenda in relation to the development of the Chinese economy.

As you said, the financial crisis has caused some bankruptcies of businesses and also made the migrant workers return to the countryside. In total we have about 12m migrant workers who have returned to the rural areas.

Some western countries may wonder whether this will be a source of social instability. Well, I want to tell you that in China we have altogether about 200m migrant workers working in the urban areas, and the population of migrant workers searching jobs across provinces is about 120m.

As I said, about 12m migrant workers have chosen to return to the countryside because of the financial crisis. As this is a floating population, it is easy to understand that they will come to cities when there are job opportunities there and they will choose to return to the countryside when there aren’t.

When they have returned to the countryside you can see that, for most of them, they still have their piece of land in the rural areas. I think land provides the most important safeguard for the lives of those farmers in China.

We should thank those Chinese migrant workers because they made an enormous contribution to China’s modernisation drive and, in times of this financial crisis, they have also become a big reservoir of the labour force.

With regard to the Agricultural Bank of China, this is the last bank among the five major commercial banks in China which is undertaking reform.

I want to point out one thing here, that it is largely because we started the reform in China’s banking sector about 10 years ago that now we have seen the Chinese major banks are now in a fairly healthy condition in terms of the quality and scale of their assets, the profitability of those banks, the proportion of NPLs (non-performing loans), as well as the flow of capital in those banks. We took these measures, including the reducing of non-performing loans in the banks, improving the corporate governance structure in the banks, as well as making them shareholding companies.

There are four key priorities in our reform with regard to the ABC. One is that we must ensure this reform will serve the purpose of agricultural development. Secondly, we must take continued measures to dispose of those non-performing assets. Number three, the government will take steps to inject capital into the bank. Fourthly, we will undertake the reform of putting in place a corporate governance structure. Our decision on this recapitalisation is about US$30bn

LB: You’ve outlined some important measures that China has taken to stimulate its economy but the world expects so much of China, and America in particular. This past year there was more pressure on China regarding the renminbi and the Treasury secretary referred to China “manipulating” its currency. Have you received assurances from President Obama that America will be more accommodating, and what do you say to those charges that you are manipulating your own money?

WJ: To allege that China is manipulating its currency exchange rate is completely unfounded. From the second half of 2005 we have started to conduct the reform in China’s exchange rate regime. With more than three years of the reform, the renminbi has appreciated by 21 per cent in actual terms against the US dollar and 12 per cent against the Euro.

Now we have in place a market based managed floating exchange rate regime with a reference to a basket of currencies. This regime is consistent with China’s actual conditions and meets China’s actual needs. I want to make very clear here that it’s to maintain the basic stability of the Chinese renminbi on a reasonable and balanced level.

It’s not only in the interests of China but also the world economy. It is in the interests of the efforts of the international community in overcoming the financial crisis. Many people have not come to see this point. If we have drastic fluctuations in the renminbi exchange rate it will only be a big disaster

LB: If I understand you, Premier Wen, you are supporting what the Chinese authorities said 10 years ago with the ruling out of a depreciation of renminbi?

WJ: I think I have made my point very clear. That is, we practise a managed floating exchange rate regime and we preserve the basic stability of the exchange rate on a reasonable and balanced level.

LB: Everybody understands that the current financial crisis was manufactured, if you like, in America. It originated in America. There were many mistakes made in terms of managing risk and regulation but what do you say to those who believe that a part of the problem is the imbalance in the world economy, with China’s $2 trillion of reserves?

WJ: I think such a view is ridiculous. I think the reason for this financial crisis is the imbalance of some economies themselves. They have for a long time had double deficits and they keep up a high level of consumption on the basis of mass borrowing.

In those economies the financial institutions have not been put under effective regulation and the financial institutions have reaped massive profits with a very high leverage ratio.

Once such a bubble bursts, the whole world has been exposed to a big disaster. China is a very big developing country, with 1.3bn population.

The per capita GDP of China is only 1/16th of that of the UK. We do need a large pool of financial resources to achieve economic development and improve the people’s livelihood.

I think that it is confusing right and wrong when people who have been overspending blame those who lent them the money. In Chinese there is actually a proverb expressing this kind of situation which proves the character in the Chinese novel, Journey to the West, Zhu Ba Jie.

The proverb means to blame those who have actually done you a favour for your own wrongdoing. Well, when I shared this view of mine with the business leaders at Davos, they agreed with me on this.

LB: Premier, you're still going to buy US Treasury bonds, I hope.

WJ: Well, this is indeed a very sensitive issue. We do have very big foreign exchange reserves, and these reserves must be well run. Buying foreign Treasury bonds is one way of running these massive reserves. But as to whether we will continue to buy the Treasury bonds, and how many we are going to buy, I think we need to take into consideration China's own needs, and also the need that we must maintain the safety and the good value of our foreign exchange reserves.

We want to see the turnaround, or the recovery of the US economy. We believe that to maintain a stable international financial market is in the interests of shoring up market confidence, overcoming the financial crisis, and facilitating early recovery of the international markets.

LB: Would China be prepared to support the calls in some quarters for some of the reserves to be recycled through the IMF in return for the necessary award of greater votes for China in the IMF to help to manage this global financial crisis?

WJ: We believe it is imperative that we should first undertake reform in international financial institutions, including the IMF. And through the reform, we should increase the voting share, the representation, and the say of developing countries. At the same time, the oversight of how the capital at international financial institutions is used should be strengthened.

LB: I asked the question because for 30 years some people have said capitalism will save China, and now maybe people are saying China must save capitalism.

WJ: Well, I don’t see it this way. I still have a very clear mind on this particular point. China remains a big developing country with a 1.3bn population. We do face arduous tasks, and our way ahead will be a long one.

If you have seen the Chinese cities in the coastal areas, maybe you don't see much a difference between those cities and London, but if you have ever been to China's rural areas, particularly the western areas of China, you will see a big gap.

I firmly believe that running our own affairs well is the biggest contribution to entire mankind. I think there are three must-dos. First, we must address both the symptoms and root causes of the problem. One should not only tend to the head when the head aches, or tend to the foot when the foot hurts. We must enhance cooperation rather than enter into a confrontational relationship. We must run our own affairs well respectively, instead of shifting troubles to others.

LB: Premier Wen, did President Obama offer some assurances in this respect?

WJ: It has not been long since the inaugural speech of President Obama. We have been following closely the statements made by the new US administration. We look forward to early contacts with the new US government, and we believe that to maintain cooperation between China and the United States serves world peace, stability and prosperity.

LB: With respect, Premier Wen, just to press you, so it's not correct - some reports have said that President Obama has given a personal message reassuring China that the renminbi and other matters will not be used in an aggressive way; that America will be more accommodating? There's no personal message?

WJ: In his telephone conversation with President Hu Jintao the day before yesterday, he expressed his readiness to enhance cooperation with China. Yet, at the same time, we do see there are different voices within the United States itself. I hope the FT can convey a message from me to the US side. We want to enhance cooperation with the United States to meet the financial crisis together as that represents the larger interest, and it serves the fundamental interests of both countries.

LB: Yes, the problem may be even more in Congress than in the administration. So do you have a message for Congress?

WJ: We don't comment on the system of the United States. I think the US government has a decisive role to play in making the right decisions. The US government should view its relations with China from a long-term and strategic perspective, and under the current circumstances, the priority of the two countries should be working together to fight the financial crisis and promote the constructive and cooperative relations between China and the United States.

LB: Just to return to the reserves very quickly. Did I understand that the Chinese government may use some of the reserves for spending programmes at home to stimulate the economy?

WJ: Foreign exchanges reserves reflect the economic strength of a country. We are now studying how we can make the best use of the foreign exchange reserves in China. On this particular topic, you are all experts. And for banks, I think foreign exchange reserves are liabilities of the central bank, and if a government wants to make use of the foreign exchange reserves, it has to issue government bonds to buy the foreign exchange reserves.

We are now having discussions about how to make rational and effective use of the Chinese foreign exchange reserves to serve the purpose of economic development in China. Last year, we issued Rmb1.5 trillion of government bonds in purchasing US$200bn of foreign exchange reserves to inject capital into the China Investment Corporation.

Foreign exchange must be spent overseas, and it will be spent mainly on foreign trade and investment. Therefore, we want to use foreign exchange to buy the much-needed technology equipment and products. That is a quite technical issue.

LB: The world expects so much from China. China is taking very important steps to increase research and technology on renewable energy. But later this year, there will be a summit in Copenhagen on climate change. Is China ready to sign a treaty to cap carbon emissions?

WJ: I had a thorough discussion about this issue with President Barroso of the European Commission in Brussels the day before yesterday. The Chinese position on this issue is as follows.

Number one, China supports the Copenhagen conference. It supports all measures which are playing their roles in meeting the challenge of climate change, and we support the development of a green economy. We are of the view that to develop a green economy is probably another area in the economy as we meet the international financial crisis.

Number two, the Chinese government gives top priority to meeting the challenge of climate change. We have established a national leadership group on tackling climate change, and I'm head of the group.

We have formulated a national programme on coping with climate change, and this is not only the first programme of its kind for China, but also the first one of its kind among all developing countries.

In China's 11th five-year plan, we have set ourselves obligatory targets in saving energy and reducing pollution. The target requires us that we must reduce the per unit GDP energy consumption by 4 per cent every year, and in total by 20 per cent in five years.

We failed to meet the targets in the first two years of the five-year period, and we succeeded in meeting the target in 2008. We will continue to make efforts on this front and set targets for ourselves. I think this can be seen as a way that China is holding itself accountable to the relevant targets.

Number three, it's difficult for China to take quantified emission reduction quotas at the Copenhagen conference, because this country is still at an early stage of development. Europe started its industrialisation several hundred years ago, but for China, it has only been dozens of years.

China has a 1.3bn population, and in terms of per capita greenhouse gas emission, we are certainly not the biggest one, yet we are still very active and positive about our cooperation with Europe in terms of saving energy, reducing pollution, developing a low carbon economy, and developing those environmentally friendly technologies.

LB: Premier Wen, I've been told if I ask a political question, I have to be very careful.

WJ: Ask any question you want.

LB: I have to be careful, because [according to the saying in] Mandarin, I will get hat, shoes and gloves. But looking to the future, could you imagine there being direct elections to the National People's Congress, say, in ten years?

WJ: Well, actually, I think economic life and political life are not separable from each other. Let me address this political question from you from an economic perspective. We are undertaking both economic restructuring and political restructuring, and both are very important.

Without the successful political restructuring, one can't ensure success in our economic restructuring. The goal in our political restructuring endeavour is to promote socialist democracy, and better ensure people's rights to democratic election, democratic decision making, democratic management, and democratic supervision.

The society that we desire is one of equity and justice, is one in which people can achieve all round development in a free and equal environment. That is also why I like Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments very much.

In 1776, Adam Smith wrote the Wealth of the Nations. And in the same historical period, he wrote the Theory of Moral Sentiments. Adam Smith made excellent arguments in his Theory of Moral Sentiments. He said in the book to the effect that if fruits of a society’s economic development can not be shared by all, it is morally unsound and risky, as it is bound to jeopardize social stability .If the wealth of a society is concentrated in the hands of a small number of people, then this is against the popular will, and the society is bound to be unstable.

Like truth is the primary virtue in thinking, I have always believed that justice and equity are the primary virtue in the socialist system. In the eyes of the West it seems that the Chinese are afraid of democracy or elections. Actually, this is not true.

As I told the press during the press conference of the NPC session early last year, I said that only when people trust you, will they support you in your office. Now we have direct elections at village level and also direct elections of People’s Deputies at township level. At the same time, I have always believed that if the people have the ability to run the village affairs well they are capable of running the township affairs and the county affairs and then running the provincial affairs. In this entire process we should take a step by step approach in the light of China’s own conditions and to develop a democracy with Chinese features.

LB: So there’s a bit more room for democracy and a bit more room for dissent as part of a democracy?

WJ: Well, I don’t think a government should feel afraid of its own people. I think it should create opportunities for the people to better hold the government accountable.

LB: Premier Wen, I realise we’re running short of time. I had my own quote from the Theory of Moral Sentiments.

WJ: Well, I think for quite some time this book has not attracted due attention or attention that it deserves. I think it is as important as The Wealth of Nations. He made a reference to the invisible hand only on two occasions in these books. One, he refers to the market; the other, he talks about the morality. And please go ahead with your quote.

LB: “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principles in his nature, which interest him in the fortunes of others and render their happiness necessary to it, though he derives nothing from it except the pleasure of seeing it.”

WJ: I think this is very well said, and I have been reading the book and this book I carried with me in my suitcase on the trip.

LB: Thank you very much for agreeing to talk to the Financial Times. It’s been very enlightening.

WJ: Thank you.

Monday, January 12, 2009

North Winnipeg’s Seal of Identity

http://canadiandimension.com/articles/2009/01/07/2292/

North Winnipeg’s Seal of Identity

Leo Panitch

Canadian Dimension magazine, January/February 2009

A Glowing Dream: A Memoir

by Roland Penner

J. Gordon Shillingford Publishing, 2007

“The place of childhood provides the seal of identity.” This epigram opens the first chapter of Roland Penner’s memoir, “Growing Up ‘Red’ in Winnipeg’s North End.” It holds true even for those of us who grew up only “pink” — i.e. whose parents were CCFers rather than Communists, and who as a result never set foot in the Ukrainian Labour Temple at Pritchard and McGregor. Just how much Winnipeg’s working-class political culture sealed our identities was brought home to me last year when I sent my brother an article that touched on the strike at the Hurtig Fur Company in the early 1930s — during the course of which my father, while on the picket line, had his head split open by a scab. My brother, who was born in 1934, responded: “You know, when I was a little boy I used to get confused about whether the really bad guy’s name was Hurtig or Hitler.”

To be sure, the industrial side of Winnipeg’s history of class conflict makes very little appearance in this memoir — apart from a few sentences that recall Roland standing as a teenager “on the bald prairie with the temperature at about wind chill -50°F, handing out union leaflets” as part of an organizing drive at a plant on the outskirts of Transcona. This is hardly surprising, since the Penner family was preeminent for its involvement on the political side of the labour movement — so much so that on one memorable May Day, after some five thousand paraded along Portage Avenue and Main Street to end up at Market Square in front of the old City Hall, the three speakers who addressed them were Penner’s politically passionate and fiery mother, Rose; his eleven-year-old “child orator” brother, Norman; and, of course, his venerable father, Jacob, the famous Communist alderman for Ward Three. (Jacob Penner was “almost always dressed in a conservatively cut three-piece wool suit, a shirt with a stiff celluloid collar, a firmly knotted woolen tie, a carefully blocked and immaculately clean fedora, and sometimes, over his shoes, spats.”)

The story told here of the Penner family is a fascinating one, from its origins among downwardly mobile Mennonite ancestors who once owned an estate on the west bank of the Dniepr River to Jacob’s “form of marriage without clergy” to a Jewish orphan from Odessa, Rose Shapak. One of the most revealing aspects of north Winnipeg’s ethnic culture is uncovered here, as Jacob the Red, before his election as alderman in 1934 at the age of 54, moves from job to job for some two decades, including as a candy salesman with the help of Rose’s connection to the well-off Galpern family. Just as class conflict tore the Jewish community apart in a strike like the one at Hurtig’s, so did family ties often transcend the sharpest of differences in the class politics of Winnipeg’s North End.

The family anecdotes in this book are so profuse that many of the best are found in the footnotes. One of Rose’s nephews goes to the U.S.S.R. in 1933 and gets swept away five years later in Stalin’s murder machine. One of Jake’s brothers-in-law returns home after a visit to Germany in 1936, and becomes a supporter of the Winnipeg Nazi Party. Shortly after Jake is sent off to an internment camp as a Communist in 1940, sixteen-year-old Roland and his twin sister Ruthie are home alone listening to “Saturday Afternoon at the Met” (while Rose is in Ottawa heading up a delegation of wives petitioning for improvements in the camp’s conditions), and the RCMP come barging in waving a search warrant. As one Mountie moves to turn off the radio, Ruthie screams at him: “In this house no one turns off the opera!”

Indeed, so plentiful are Penner’s family anecdotes that one terrific example, which he told when Norman was honoured at a banquet at the University of Manitoba some two decades ago, is left out of this book. As I recall it (and have often retold it), when Norman marched into the principal’s office of his grade school to complain that the phys-ed instructor was picking on him because he was a Communist, the principal sternly and accusingly said (so everyone in the outer office could hear): “You’re a Communist?!” And then, after closing the door, he whispered, “So am I.”

Penner’s admiration for his parents’ Communist politics is palpable, and he explicitly contrasts this with the way other “red diaper babies” like Jim Laxer and Stan Gray have written disparagingly of their parents’ politics. Quoting Laxer to the effect that truth was “a very slippery commodity” in his home, Roland proudly writes: “That was not our experience…. We asked many questions and Dad and our mother told us what they sincerely believed to be true.” His father remains his “primary inspiration” — a man who “fought for the rights of others at great cost to himself” — and this is why his parents commitment to the “Glowing Dream” forms the title of his memoir. Yet, one might have wished that Roland had offered a more sober reflection on his father’s generation of Canadian Communists, not only with regard to what they knew or didn’t know about Stalin’s crimes in the U.S.S.R. or to the limitations of “democratic centralist” life inside the party, but also to the reformist strategy it pursued in the public arena.

Thus, we learn that Jacob Penner left the Socialist Party of Canada in 1911 because he felt it was too oriented toward raising class consciousness through Marxist education alone. He devoted himself to a life of “unceasing struggle for [the] daily needs and pressing problems” of working people in the belief that this practical activity would raise their consciousness as “the essential feature in the development of a socialist revolution.” Yet, when he died in 1965, aged 85 (having only retired as alderman three years earlier), the Winnipeg Free Press made a point of saying that he was a “political curiosity” who drew much of his support from people “who cared nothing for politics but who admired his efficiency and ability and who believed that he worked for the underdog.” Penner quotes this approvingly, without raising the question of how far this achievement nevertheless stood from the development of the class consciousness needed for supporting socialist revolution, which had been Jake’s original purpose. Would more attention to creative Marxist education have produced a better result? This memoir doesn’t go there, perhaps because Roland, from the time of his own engagement in student politics at the University of Manitoba in the late 1940s, adopted a stance “quite in keeping with my father’s approach to political activity on an issue-by-issue basis.” This approach did not mean that he often lost his bearings on the Left of the political spectrum — far from it. But as the main part of the memoir turns to cover Roland’s own adult political life, this “issue-by-issue” approach is visible all along the way: from his slow drift away from the CP (rather than exiting in flames as his brother did in 1957); to his joining Joe Zuken’s law firm; to his foundational role in the establishment of legal aid in Manitoba; to his almost happenstance decision to join the NDP; to what he calls his “life in government” as attorney general of Manitoba.

The limits of this approach came to a head with his role in the Meech Lake Accord, which he still sees as “a reasonable compromise” on the grounds that, while he agrees with those critics who said that “the separatists would always ask for more,” if the Accord had passed it would have ensured that “their call to break up the country [would have] fallen on less fertile ground.” This is pretty conventional stuff. He reserves his real ire, moreover, for the left critics of the Accord, especially those “many women … influenced by flamboyant statements … by Judy Rebick and the National Action Committee,” who saw the deal as concocted by “men in suits” with the aim of using Quebec’s recognition as a distinct society to override the Charter’s equality provisions (“This is, in my view, nonsense.”) and undermine federal social programs (the likelihood of which he sees as “essentially nil”).

Penner’s decision to side with the pragmatic men in suits against the socialist feminists during the Meech Lake controversy in 1987 was presaged by the controversy over the stand he took in 1983 over the newly opened Morgentaler abortion clinic in Winnipeg. In justifying why as attorney general he could not “authorize a blanket stay of proceedings” with respect to criminal charges against Morgentaler, Penner clearly sees himself as properly following the advice Justice Samuel Freedman gave him when he invited Penner to lunch after his appointment: the Attorney General “must not be political.” But if Penner now admits that his Morgentaler moment “still comes back to haunt me from time to time,” this may be because he knows very well (as he puts it in the memoir in relation to his discussion of the task force on legal aid in the 1970s) that “the legal system itself is so much the product of the establishment it serves that it cannot be turned into the front line for law reform and even more obviously for social transformation.” It most certainly can’t if attorneys general act as if their roles are non-political.

It is impossible to do full justice to Penner’s memoir without going even further over the word limit CD’s editors have allotted me. Suffice to say that this review touches upon only a few aspects of the rich and varied life recounted in this book. I especially enjoyed making the connection between Penner’s many entrepreneurial activities during his Communist boyhood in the 1930s with his “life as an impressario,” when he ran the Co-op Bookstore in the late 1950s and was responsible for bringing Pete Seeger and Odetta, among many others, to sing before Winnipeg audiences.

For me, at least, this enjoyable read was enhanced by being able to catch Penner out on such errors as telling us that Lenin “famously said that communism equals socialism plus electric power” (he actually said “soviets and electric power”). Or the misnumbering of the Chapter Two endnotes, so that the citation for the homage Penner pays to the great Fritz Hansen, the American running back who led the Blue Bombers to their first Grey Cup in 1935, amusingly offers sources to the On to Ottawa Trek of that year. The only unfortunate result of this misnumbering is that we never learn who actually coined that wise phrase: “The place of childhood provides the seal of identity.”

This article was posted on Wednesday, January 7th, 2009 and is filed under Canadian Dimension Magazine, Reviews.


Responses to “North Winnipeg’s Seal of Identity”


Comment by Alan L. Maki, writing from United States on January 12th, 2009 at 9:46 am:

Leo Panitch’s review of “A Glowing Dream: A Memoir” itself is food for thought, dialogue, discussion and debate as much as is Roland Penner’s excellent book, which I would strongly recommend to every worker to read and study.

Panitch finds problems with Jacob Penner’s approach towards politics and assumes that Marxist education was not simultaneously taking place with the excellent work Jacob Penner did in serving working people on the Winnipeg City Council.

Having personally known many of those in Jacob Penner’s Communist Party circle, I know that this contention simply is not accurate.

And I believe that where Panitch is inaccurate here is the very crux of what is missing in working class struggles in Canada and the United States today, which is holding back the struggle of the working class for real power: social, political and economic; the struggle for socialism— the only alternative to this failed capitalist system.

What Panitch fails to understand is the way the Communist Party works in a collective way… while Panitch’s contention that Jacob Penner paid too little attention to Marxist education of the working class— a very dubious contention at best seeing as how Jacob Penner was the longest serving Communist elected public official in Canada, and perhaps the world— it is hard to believe that Panitch’s assessment is accurate that there was a lack of socialist/Marxist education taking place. How a Communist repeatedly gets elected and re-elected when there is a powerful corrupt web of capitalism spun all around him creating such a hostile environment would then have to be explained… an explanation Leo Panitch never broaches… not everything he hasn’t broached can be explained away as not being provided more space by Canadian Dimension since Panitch has had ample opportunity to do this elsewhere; and he has not.

Panitch forgets, or intentionally omits, the role of the Communist Party Club. Jacob Penner always “had his back covered” by a very powerful Communist movement consisting of very important Communist Party clubs in Manitoba which were more than a little responsible for his repeated re-election campaigns because of the “collective” way these Communist Party clubs operate as the “think-tanks” and “action centers” of the working class and people’s movements constantly stressing that all the various movements for democracy, peace, social and economic justice and for socialism need to work together in unity.

I have noticed that failure to understand the all-important role of Communist parties by Panitch in many of his other writings, too; which boils down to not understanding the very important and significant role these Communist Party Clubs play in winning the day to day struggles working people are constantly embroiled in as a matter to survive the obstacles and problems created by a capitalist social, economic and political system.

Like in this current book review, Panitch even writes about the Communist Manifest but fails to understand that Marx and Engels in writing this brief pamphlet did so with the intent of encouraging workers to build Communist Parties to advance their demands for reforms AND winning social, economic and political power.

There is all kinds of ample evidence that Jacob Penner and his comrades and friends understood very well “What needs to be done?” And they did what needed to be done— on all fronts, from education to activism.

The real questions Leo Panitch might want to ponder is why Jacob Penner and the Communist Party in Winnipeg did so well while in most other places in North America the working class movement did not fare as well?

A big part of the answer to this question lies in attacks on the Communist Party by the government (which Jacob Penner and the Winnipeg Communists and their friends and allies so successfully fought back) and the attacks on the Communist Party from the right and ultra-left in the working class movement (again, attacks which Jacob Penner and the Winnipeg communists struggled against so successfully).

And Joe Zuken’s campaigns successfully built on all of this.

How and why this powerful Communist movement in Winnipeg lost momentum and suffered losses should be the topic of a forum with the proceedings published in another book… it would be very interesting to see if Leo Panitch’s ideas as to his “critique” (or not so thinly veiled attack on the role and objectives of Communist Parties) hold any water when placed side-by-side with the Communist perspective in all of this.

I really think we need to be asking what has held back the working class movements from achieving what Jacob Penner and his comrades and friends achieved not finding excuses to write them off because in these troubled times, there is not only a Canadian dimension to what these working class Communist Party activists achieved, there is something for all working class activists from throughout North America and the rest of the world to learn from… I find it rather ironic that many people who adhere and cling to Leo Panitch’s perspective regarding the Soviet Union and other socialist countries who found their own way to power and to hold on to that power which they so despise, now like to take cheap pot shots at the very man and the Communist Party he was a member of which climbed towards working class power so successfully in the electoral arena.

Which, also, begs the question: If Canada and the U.S.A. were the bastions of democracy capitalist politicians claim them to be; why then has the policy towards allowing Communists to freely participate in the political lives of these two countries been so restricted— and, I think I am being very charitable in using the term “restricted” when political suppression and repression are more appropriate.

If Leo Panitch would like to participate in an organized dialogue on this question concerning the legacy of the role of the Communist Party clubs I would be happy to participate, too.

Jacob Penner and Winnipeg Communists are not the only example of the success of Communist Party Clubs and how they combined electoral work with other facets of class struggle work— merely the best; an example which many working class activists today have a right to know about… just as working class activists today have a right to know about how Communists like Lyle Dotzert led the struggle to organize Ford in Windsor and his comrades like Phil Raymond, Nadia Barkan, Bob Travis, Bud Simons and Wyndham Mortimer across the river— south of the border— led the struggles to organize the Big Three and then elected the legendary working class activist and leader Coleman Young to public office… in order to know and understand this aspect of the working class struggle and history might make the difference as to whether the working class wins or loses the looming class conflict ahead.

The working class made numerous advances with Communist Parties in the lead… an historic fact that no amount of twisting and misinformation can erase— obscure, yes— but not erase because history as what it is.

Communists have made plenty of mistakes just like anyone else; but, the so-called errors attributed to us here simply are not correct.

There is this “movement” on the part of a section of the North American left which seeks to want to put everything from 20th Century Communism and socialism behind us as if it was all misguided and bad when nothing could be further from the truth.

Roland Penner’s excellent book provides us with aspects of working class history some people would rather just forget… just like they would like to forget Jacob Penner, Lyle Dotzert, Phil Raymond, Nadia Barkan (in Nadia’s case, the “historians” even give her the wrong name!)… but, forgetting primary aspects of history is not the same as these struggles and their leaders— with the Communist Parties at the forefront— being forgotten… or intentionally maligned as Leo Panitch does, and continues doing.

Recently Howard Zinn engaged in similar distortion on Amy Goodman’s “Democracy Now” when he stated:

“No, I was really gratified when Obama called for “Let’s tax the rich more, and let’s tax the poor and middle class less.” And they said, “That’s socialism.” And I thought, “Whoa! I’m happy to hear that. Finally, socialism is getting a good name.” You know, socialism has been given bad names, you know, Stalin and all those socialists, so-called socialists. They weren’t really socialist, but, you know, they called themselves socialist. But they weren’t really, you see. And so, socialism got a bad name. It used to have a really good name. Here in the United States, the beginning of the twentieth century, before there was a Soviet Union to spoil it, you see, socialism had a good name. Millions of people in the United States read socialist newspapers. They elected socialist members of Congress and socialist members of state legislatures. You know, there were like fourteen socialist chapters in Oklahoma. Really. I mean, you know, socialism—who stood for socialism? Eugene Debs, Helen Keller, Emma Goldman, Clarence Darrow, Jack London, Upton Sinclair. Yeah, socialism had a good name. It needs to be restored.”

Well Zinn— the great historian— apparently never heard of Jacob Penner, Willian Z. Foster, Paul Robeson Lyle Dotzert, Wyndham Mortimer, Phil Raymond or Nadia Barkan.

And Sam Webb, the revisionist “leader” of the CPUSA goes even further than Panitch or Zinn in saying he wants nothing at all to do with 20th Century socialism.

I find it very strange that all these attacks of a similar nature come at a time when the working class needs stronger Communist Parties than ever before… and slanting history to suit one’s own biased perspectives will not aid in building a winning working class fight-back as this rotten capitalist system collapses by the day from the time the bell rings on Wall Street until another plant is shut down, both throwing workers out into the streets as if they are merely disposable items like baby diapers.

Alan L. Maki
Secretary/Treasurer
Minnesota/Dakotas District, CPUSA





Alan L. Maki

58891 County Road 13

Warroad, Minnesota 56763

Phone: 218-386-2432

Cell phone: 651-587-5541

E-mail: amaki000@centurytel.net



Check out my blog:



Thoughts From Podunk



http://thepodunkblog.blogspot.com/


Thursday, January 8, 2009

Where the left stands divided today

Two different views of Obama; two different views of what socialism is.

Two different views of "class" and "class struggle."

Two different views on "working class power."

Two different views of history.

Two similar views on the struggle for peace and reforms.

Howard Zinn and Michael Parenti.

A public debate across the country on these two views would serve the left and working class movement well.

Alan L. Maki




http://www.dissiden tvoice.org/ 2008/12/% e2%80%9cclass- is-a-dirty- word%e2%80% 9d/
“Class is a Dirty Word”

by Jason Miller / December 26th, 2008

Class is a dirty word in that it gets close to the truth about who governs and for whose benefit.

– Michael Parenti



Michael Parenti is an internationally known award-winning author and lecturer. He is one of the nation’s leading progressive political analysts. His highly informative and entertaining books and talks have reached a wide range of audiences in North America and abroad.

In the land of those who think they’re free and the home of savage capitalism, class is indeed a dirty word. Remember, we’re a nation of Joe the Plumbers. If we just work hard enough and fend off those socialist vampires who want to suck us dry by redistributing our hard-earned wealth, we can all be financial successes. And if you’re a faux-progressive presidential candidate—like Obama, you’re doomed to political perdition unless you sign a blood oath disavowing your ties to socialism.

Yet there are a few political analysts and academics who dare to blaspheme against capitalism, which is the “God” this benighted land truly worships—despite the disgustingly hypocritical veneer of faux Christianity. Remember that Michael Parenti has one of the filthiest mouths you’ll ever hear. He dares to repeatedly spew profane diatribes against capitalism, the sacrosanct basis for our precious American Way of Life. Parenti has the chutzpah to derisively attack our system, which we all know is the best that’s ever been (or will be), by asserting that there are divisions amongst US Americans based on socioeconomic standing. And worst of all? He uses the “C” word! Somebody needs to give his mouth a good cleansing with a bar of Dial!

Parenti recently answered a few questions Jason Miller threw his way. Let’s see how much further he traveled on the road to perdition…

Jason Miller: You’re one of the best kept secrets of the “American Left” (ridiculously marginalized and small in number as we are). Why is it that despite your brilliant critiques, particularly of bourgeois revisionist history, you remain relatively obscure even amongst the more radical segment of the US population?

Michael Parenti: It’s really not all that bad. People do describe me as “widely acclaimed” and “internationally known” etc. and I do reach varied audiences in North America and abroad with my writings, lectures, and interviews. But it is true that there are sectarian or small minded elements on the left – including some very prominent figures – who are quiet practitioners of McCarthyism in that they exclude or try to isolate anyone who (a) places a strong emphasis on the realities of class power (b) occasionally uses a Marxist analysis or (c) finds some things of value in existing socialist societies that are worthy of being preserved, such as human services, guaranteed right to a job, free education, free medical care, affordable housing for all, etc. These societies, now mostly defunct, have been deemed by most of the left as worthy of nothing but a constant unremitting denunciation.

JM: Do you think the bourgeoisie has begun demonizing environmentalists and animal rights advocates because they perceive us to be a legitimate threat to the system, is the Green Scare simply another aspect of the divide and conquer tactic, do animal and Earth exploiters wield that much power within the system, is it a combination of these, or something more?

MP: The purveyors of free-market global capitalism believe that they have a right to plunder the remaining natural resources of this planet as they choose. Anyone who challenges their agenda is to be subjected to whatever misrepresentation and calumny that serves the free market corporate agenda.

JM: How has the capitalist class in the US been so successful at convincing the masses that we live in a “classless society” and etching a cultural standard in granite that it is taboo to discuss class issues?

MP: Through control of the universe of discourse, including the media, the professions, the universities, the publishing industry, many of the churches, the consumer society, the job market, and even the very socialization of our children and the prefiguring of our own perceptions, the ruling interests are able to exercise a prevailing ideological control that excludes any reasoned critique of the dominant paradigm. Class is a dirty word in that it gets close to the truth about who governs and for whose benefit.

JM: What are your thoughts on Obama and what change we may see under his presidency?

MP: I greeted Obama’s electoral victory with very little enthusiasm but much relief that the lying slime-bag right-wing John McCain was defeated. I think Obama will be another Bill Clinton, perhaps not as bad. Some people see his accession to the White House as a great historic victory for African Americans and for democracy. But I am not all that impressed. When the victory is extended into social democratic policies that have a salutary effect on millions of struggling impoverished African-Americans and other working poor, then I’ll start dancing in the streets.

JM: Prior to Obama’s election, a number of radical thinkers posited that the US was in a pre-revolutionary stage. What impact do you think the Obama administration will have on the potential of consciousness, anger, and social unrest reaching critical mass amongst the working class in the US in the near future? Or better yet, are you even optimistic that the American people will catch fire and revolt against our wretchedly rapacious and imperialistic system?

MP: I do not think we are entering a pre-revolutionary stage. However political struggle can be a surprising phenomenon emerging with great democratic force and sudden movement in the most unexpected ways. We are approaching an economic crisis of momentous scope. The radical reactions may not be all that progressive and rational. The unfortunate thing about corporate capitalism is that it is often advantaged by the very wretched conditions it itself creates. I am hoping that the social groups that have been activated by Obama’s campaign will not go to sleep and will not let up the pressure for progressive change.

JM: What do you say to critics who assert that socialism is a utopian dream in the abstract and a nightmare in reality?

MP: Your question is a paraphrase of the one I posed in my book, Democracy for the Few. “Is socialism not just a dream in theory and a nightmare in practice?” In response I pointed out that the features which make life livable in capitalist society are mostly socialistic in practice, including human services, infrastructure development, environmental protections, and even many technological advances that are funded or even created by government sources.

JM: With Castro hanging in there and now Chavez, Morales, Correa, and Ortega in place, to what extent do you think socialism will continue to expand and flourish in Latin America?

MP: It is not likely that the reforms in Latin America will really lead to socialism but at least to some gains for the most desperately oppressed.

JM: Some argue that there is a “third way” that represents a better alternative to capitalism than socialism. Your thoughts?

MP: Maybe they are referring to the social democracy that is found in some Western European countries that provide decent human services and better regulation of corporate doings. But even these social democracies are under attack and face rollback. Look at what has happened to Britain.

Jason Miller is a wage slave of the American Empire who has freed himself intellectually and spiritually. He is Cyrano's Journal Online's associate editor. He welcomes constructive correspondence at JMiller@bestcyrano. org or via his blog, Thomas Paine's Corner. Read other articles by Jason, or visit Jason's website.

This article was posted on Friday, December 26th, 2008 at 8:00am and is filed under Capitalism, Interview. ShareThis


*****************************




Howard Zinn on the Amy Goodman show:



“No, I was really gratified when Obama called for “Let’s tax the

rich more, and let’s tax the poor and middle class less.” And they

said, “That’s socialism.” And I thought, “Whoa! I’m happy to hear

that. Finally, socialism is getting a good name.” You know, socialism has

been given bad names, you know, Stalin and all those socialists, so-called

socialists. They weren’t really socialist, but, you know, they called

themselves socialist. But they weren’t really, you see. And so, socialism

got a bad name. It used to have a really good name. Here in the United

States, the beginning of the twentieth century, before there was a Soviet

Union to spoil it, you see, socialism had a good name. Millions of people

in the United States read socialist newspapers. They elected socialist

members of Congress and socialist members of state legislatures. You know,

there were like fourteen socialist chapters in Oklahoma. Really. I mean,

you know, socialism—who stood for socialism? Eugene Debs, Helen Keller,

Emma Goldman, Clarence Darrow, Jack London, Upton Sinclair. Yeah, socialism

had a good name. It needs to be restored.”







January 02, 2009

Howard Zinn on “War and Social Justice”

http://www.democracynow.org/2009/1/2/placeholder_howard_zinn



Real Video Stream

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Real Audio Stream

http://play.rbn.com/?url=demnow/demnow/demand/2009/jan/audio/dn20090102.ra

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Howard Zinn is one of this country’s most celebrated historians. His

classic work A People’s History of the United States changed the way we

look at history in America. First published a quarter of a century ago, the

book has sold over a million copies and is a phenomenon in the world of

publishing—selling more copies each successive year. After serving as a

bombardier in World War II, Howard Zinn went on to become a lifelong

dissident and peace activist. He was active in the civil rights movement

and many of the struggles for social justice over the past forty years. He

taught at Spelman College, the historically black college for women, and

was fired for insubordination for standing up for the students. He was

recently invited back to give the commencement address. Howard Zinn has

written numerous books and is professor emeritus at Boston University. He

recently spoke at Binghamton University a few days after the 2008

presidential election. His speech was called “War and Social Justice.”

[includes rush transcript]



AMY GOODMAN: Howard Zinn is one of this country’s most celebrated

historians. His classic work, A People’s History of the United States,

changed the way we look at history in America. First published a quarter of

a century ago, the book has sold over a million copies and is a phenomenon

in the world of publishing, selling more copies each successive year.



After serving as a bombardier pilot in World War II, Howard Zinn went on to

become a lifelong dissident and peace activist. He was active in the civil

rights movement and many of the struggles for social justice over the past

half-century. He taught at Spelman College, the historically black college

for women in Atlanta, and was fired for insubordination for standing up for

the women.



Howard Zinn has written numerous books. He’s Professor Emeritus at Boston

University. He recently spoke at Binghamton University, Upstate New York, a

few days after the 2008 presidential election. His speech was called “War

and Social Justice.”



HOWARD ZINN: Why is all the political rhetoric limited? Why is the

set of solutions given to social and economic issues so cramped and so

short of what is needed, so short of what the Universal Declaration of

Human Rights demands? And, yes, Obama, who obviously is more attuned to the

needs of people than his opponent, you know, Obama, who is more

far-sighted, more thoughtful, more imaginative, why has he been limited in

what he is saying? Why hasn’t he come out for what is called a

single-payer system in healthcare?



Why—you see, you all know what the single-payer system is. It’s a

sort of awkward term for it, maybe. It doesn’t explain what it means. But

a single-payer health system means—well, it will be sort of run like

Social Security. It’ll be a government system. It won’t depend on

intermediaries, on middle people, on insurance companies. You won’t have

to fill out forms and pay—you know, and figure out whether you have a

preexisting medical condition. You won’t have to go through that

rigamarole, that rigamarole which has kept 40 million people out of having

health insurance. No, something happens, you just go to a doctor, you go to

a hospital, you’re taken care of, period. The government will pay for it.

Yeah, the government will pay for it. That’s what governments are for.



Governments, you know—they do that for the military. Did you know

that? That’s what the military has. The military has free insurance. I

was once in the military. I got pneumonia, which is easier to get in the

military. I got pneumonia. I didn’t have to fool around with deciding

what health plan I’m in and what—you know. No, I was totally taken care

of. I didn’t have to think about money. Just—you know, there are a

million members of the armed forces who have that. But when you ask that

the government do this for everybody else, they cry, “That’s

socialism!” Well, if that’s socialism, it must mean socialism is good.

You know.



No, I was really gratified when Obama called for “Let’s tax the

rich more, and let’s tax the poor and middle class less.” And they

said, “That’s socialism.” And I thought, “Whoa! I’m happy to hear

that. Finally, socialism is getting a good name.” You know, socialism has

been given bad names, you know, Stalin and all those socialists, so-called

socialists. They weren’t really socialist, but, you know, they called

themselves socialist. But they weren’t really, you see. And so, socialism

got a bad name. It used to have a really good name. Here in the United

States, the beginning of the twentieth century, before there was a Soviet

Union to spoil it, you see, socialism had a good name. Millions of people

in the United States read socialist newspapers. They elected socialist

members of Congress and socialist members of state legislatures. You know,

there were like fourteen socialist chapters in Oklahoma. Really. I mean,

you know, socialism—who stood for socialism? Eugene Debs, Helen Keller,

Emma Goldman, Clarence Darrow, Jack London, Upton Sinclair. Yeah, socialism

had a good name. It needs to be restored.



And so—but Obama, with all of his, well, good will, intelligence,

all those qualities that he has, and so on—and, you know, you feel that

he has a certain instinct for people in trouble. But still, you know, he

wouldn’t come out for a single-payer health system, that is, for what I

would call health security, to go along with Social Security, you see,

wouldn’t come out for that; wouldn’t come out for the government

creating jobs for millions of people, because that’s what really is

needed now. You see, when people are—the newspapers this morning report

highest unemployment in decades, right? The government needs to create

jobs. Private enterprise is not going to create jobs. Private enterprise

fails, the so-called free market system fails, fails again and again. When

the Depression hit in the 1930s, Roosevelt and the New Deal created jobs

for millions of people. And, oh, there were people on the—you know, out

there on the fringe who yelled “Socialism!” Didn’t matter. People

needed it. If people need something badly, and somebody does something for

them, you can throw all the names you want at them, it won’t matter, you

see? But that was needed in this campaign. Yes.



Instead of Obama and McCain joining together—I know some of you may

be annoyed that I’m being critical of Obama, but that’s my job. You

know, I like him. I’m for him. I want him to do well. I’m happy he won.

I’m delighted he won. But I’m a citizen. I have to speak my mind. OK?

Yeah. And, you know—but when I saw Obama and McCain sort of both together

supporting the $700 billion bailout, I thought, “Uh-oh. No, no. Please

don’t do that. Please, Obama, step aside from that. Do what—I’m sure

something in your instincts must tell you that there’s something wrong

with giving $700 billion to the same financial institutions which ruined

us, which got us into this mess, something wrong with that, you see.” And

it’s not even politically viable. That is, you can’t even say, “Oh,

I’m doing it because people will then vote for me.” No. It was very

obvious when the $700 billion bailout was announced that the majority of

people in the country were opposed to it. Instinctively, they said,

“Something is wrong with this. Why give it to them? We need it.”



That’s when the government—you know, Obama should have been

saying, “No, let’s take that $700 billion, let’s give it to people

who can’t pay their mortgages. Let’s create jobs, you know.” You

know, instead of pouring $700 billion into the top and hoping that it will

trickle down to the bottom, no, go right to the bottom, where people need

it and get—so, yes, that was a disappointment. So, yeah, I’m trying to

indicate what we’ll have to do now and to fulfill what Obama himself has

promised: change, real change. You can’t have—you can say “change,”

but if you keep doing the old policies, it’s not change, right?



So what stands in the way of Obama and the Democratic Party, and what

stands in the way of them really going all out for a social and economic

program that will fulfill the promise of the Universal Declaration of Human

Rights? Well, I can think of two things that stand in the way. Maybe there

are more, but I can only think of two things at a time. And, well, one of

them is simply the great, powerful economic interests that don’t want

real economic change. Really, they don’t. The powerful—I mean, you take

in healthcare, there are powerful interests involved in the present

healthcare system. People are making lots of money from the healthcare

system as it is, making so much money, and that’s why the costs of the

healthcare system in the United States are double what the healthcare costs

are—the percentage, you know, of money devoted to healthcare—percentage

is double, administrative costs in the United States, compared to countries

that have the single-payer system, because there are people there who are

siphoning off this money, who are making money. You know, they’re health

plans. They’re insurance companies. They’re health executives and CEOs,

so that there are—yeah, there are interests, economic interests that are

in the way of real economic change.



And Obama so far has not challenged those economic interests.

Roosevelt did challenge those economic interests, boldly, right frontally.

He called them economic royalists. He wasn’t worried that people would

say, “Oh, you’re appealing to class conflict,” you know, the kind of

thing they pull out all the time, as if there isn’t, hasn’t always been

class conflict, just something new, you know. Class conflict. “You’re

creating class conflict. We’ve never had class conflict. We’ve always

all been one happy family.” You know, no. And so, yeah, there are these

interests standing in the way, and, you know, unfortunately, the Democratic

Party is tied to many of those interests. Democratic Party is, you know,

tied to a lot of corporate interests. I mean, look at the people on

Obama’s—the people who are on Obama’s economics team, and they’re

Goldman Sachs people, and they’re former—you know, people like that,

you know? That’s not—they don’t represent change. They represent the

old-style Democratic stay-put leadership that’s not good.



So, the other factor that stands in the way of a real bold economic

and social program is the war. The war, the thing that has, you know, a

$600 billion military budget. Now, how can you call for the government to

take over the healthcare system? How can you call for the government to

give jobs to millions of people? How can you do all that? How can you offer

free education, free higher education, which is what we should have really?

We should have free higher education. Or how can you—you know. No, you

know, how can you double teachers’ salaries? How can you do all these

things, which will do away with poverty in the United States? It all costs

money.



And so, where’s that money going to come from? Well, it can come

from two sources. One is the tax structure. And here, Obama [has] been

moving in the right direction. When he talked about not giving the rich tax

breaks and giving tax breaks to the poor—in the right direction, but not

far enough, because the top one percent of—the richest one percent of the

country has gained several trillions of dollars in the last twenty, thirty

years as a result of the tax system, which has favored them. And, you know,

you have a tax system where 200 of the richest corporations pay no taxes.

You know that? You can’t do that. You don’t have their accountants. You

don’t have their legal teams, and so on and so forth. You don’t have

their loopholes.



The war, $600 billion, we need that. We need that money. But in order

to say that, in order to say, “Well, one, we’re going to increase taxes

on the super rich,” much more than Obama has proposed—and believe me,

it won’t make those people poor. They’ll still be rich. They just

won’t be super rich. I don’t care if there’s some rich people around.

But, you know, no, we don’t need super rich, not when that money is

needed to take care of little kids in pre-school, and there’s no money

for pre-school. No, we need a radical change in the tax structure, which

will immediately free huge amounts of money to do the things that need to

be done, and then we have to get the money from the military budget. Well,

how do you get money from the military budget? Don’t we need $600 billion

for a military budget? Don’t we have to fight two wars? No. We don’t

have to fight any wars. You know.



And this is where Obama and the Democratic Party have been hesitant,

you know, to talk about. But we’re not hesitant to talk about it. The

citizens should not be hesitant to talk about it. If the citizens are

hesitant to talk about it, they would just reinforce the Democratic

leadership and Obama in their hesitations. No, we have to speak what we

believe is the truth. I think the truth is we should not be at war. We

should not be at war at all. I mean, these wars are absurd. They’re

horrible also. They’re horrible, and they’re absurd. You know, from a

human, human point of view, they’re horrible. You know, the deaths and

the mangled limbs and the blindness and the three million people in Iraq

losing their homes, having to leave their homes, three million

people—imagine?—having to look elsewhere to live because of our

occupation, because of our war for democracy, our war for liberty, our war

for whatever it is we’re supposed to be fighting for.



No, we don’t need—we need a president who will say—yeah, I’m

giving advice to Obama. I know he’s listening. But, you know, if enough

people speak up, he will listen, right? If enough people speak up, he will

listen. You know, there’s much more of a chance of him listening, right,

than those other people. They’re not listening. They wouldn’t listen.

Obama could possibly listen, if we, all of us—and the thing to say is, we

have to change our whole attitude as a nation towards war, militarism,

violence. We have to declare that we are not going to engage in aggressive

wars. We are going to renounce the Bush Doctrine of preventive war. “Oh,

we have to go to”—you know, “We have to go to war on this little

pitiful country, because this little pitiful country might someday”—do

what? Attack us? I mean, Iraq might attack us? “Well, they’re

developing a nuclear weapon”—one, which they may have in five or ten

years. That’s what all the experts said, even the experts on the

government side. You know, they may develop one nuclear weapon in

five—wow! The United States has 10,000 nuclear weapons. Nobody says,

“How about us?” you see. But, you know, well, you know all about that.

Weapons of mass destruct, etc., etc. No reason for us to wage aggressive

wars. We have to renounce war as an instrument of foreign policy.





AMY GOODMAN: That was Howard Zinn. He’s speaking at Binghamton

University, Upstate New York. If you’d like a copy of today’s

broadcast, you can go to our website at democracynow.org. Back to his

speech in a minute.



[break]



AMY GOODMAN: We return now to the legendary historian Howard Zinn. This was

his first speech after the 2008 election. He was speaking on November 8th

at Binghamton University, Upstate New York. He called his speech “War and

Social Justice.”



HOWARD ZINN: A hundred different countries, we have military bases.

That doesn’t look like a peace-loving country. And besides—I mean,

first of all, of course, it’s very expensive. We save a lot of money. Do

we really need those—what do we need those bases for? I can’t figure

out what we need those bases for. And, you know, so we have to—yeah, we

have to give that up, and we have to declare ourselves a peaceful nation.

We will no longer be a military superpower. “Oh, that’s terrible!”

There are people who think we must be a military superpower. We don’t

have to be a military superpower. We don’t have to be a military power at

all, you see? We can be a humanitarian superpower. We can—yeah. We’ll

still be powerful. We’ll still be rich. But we can use that power and

that wealth to help people all over the world. I mean, instead of sending

helicopters to bomb people, send helicopters when they face a hurricane or

an earthquake and they desperately need helicopters. You know, you know.

So, yeah, there’s a lot of money available once you seriously

fundamentally change the foreign policy of the United States.



Now, Obama has been hesitant to do that. And it has something to do

with a certain mindset, because it doesn’t have anything to do really

with politics, that is, with more votes. I don’t think—do you think

most Americans know that we have bases in a hundred countries? I’ll bet

you if you took a poll and asked among the American people, “How many

countries do you think we have bases in?” “No, I don’t know exactly

what the answer is. What I would guess, you know, there’d be like five,

ten.” But I think most people would be surprised. In other words, there

isn’t a public demanding that we have bases in a hundred countries, so

there’s no political advantage to that. Well, of course, there’s

economic advantage to corporations that supply those bases and build those

bases and make profit from those bases, you know.



But in order to—and I do believe that the American people would

welcome a president who said, “We are not going to wage aggressive war

anymore.” The American people are not war-minded people. They become

war-minded when a president gets up there and creates an atmosphere of

hysteria and fear, you know, and says, “Well, we must go to war.” Then

people, without thinking about it, without thinking, you know, “Why are

we bombing Afghanistan?” “Because, oh, Osama bin Laden is there.”

“Uh, where?” Well, they don’t really know, so we’ll bomb the

country. You know, if we bomb the country, maybe we’ll get him. You see?

Sure, in the process, thousands of Afghans will die, right? But—so,

people didn’t have time to stop and think, think. But the American people

are not war-minded people. They would welcome, I believe, a turn away from

war. So there’s no real political advantage to that.



But it has to do with a mindset, a certain mindset that—well, that

a lot of Americans have and that Obama, obviously, and the Democratic

leadership, Pelosi and Harry Reid and the others, that they all still have.

And when you talk about a mindset that they have, which stands in the way

of the declaring against war, you’re reminded that during the

campaign—I don’t know if you remember this—that at one point Obama

said—and, you know, there were many times in the campaign where he said

really good things, if he had only followed up on them, you see, and if he

only follows up on them now. But at one point in the campaign, he said,

“It’s not just a matter of getting out of Iraq. It’s a matter of

changing the mindset that got us into Iraq.” You see? That was a very

important statement. Unfortunately, he has not followed through by changing

his mindset, you see? He knows somewhere in—well, then he expressed it,

that we have to change our mindset, but he hasn’t done it. Why? I don’t

know. Is it because there are too many people around him and too many

forces around him, and etc., etc., that…? But, no, that mindset is still

there. So I want to talk about what that mindset is, what the elements of

that mindset are.



And I have to look at my watch, not that it matters, not that I care,

but, you know, I feel conscience-stricken over keeping you here just to

hear the truth.



Here are some of the elements of the mindset that stand in the way,

in the way for Obama, in the way for the Democratic Party, in the way for

many Americans, in the way for us. One of the elements in our mindset is

the idea, somehow, that the United States is exceptional. In the world of

social science, in, you know, that discipline called social science,

there’s actually a phrase for it. It’s called American exceptionalism.

And what it means is the idea that the United States is unique in the

world, you know, that we are different, that we—not just different,

we’re better. Right? We are better than other people. You know, our

society is better than other societies. This is a very dangerous thing to

think. When you become so arrogant that you think you are better and

different than other countries in the world, then that gives you a carte

blanche to do nasty things. You can do nasty things, because you’re

better. You’re justified in doing those things, because, yeah,

you’re—we’re different. So we have to divest ourselves of the idea

that, you know, we are somehow better and, you know, we are the “City on

the Hill,” which is what the first governor of Massachusetts, John

Winthrop, said. “We are the”—Reagan also said that. Well, Reagan said

lots of things, you know that. But we are—you know, we’re—you know,

everybody looks to—no, we’re an empire, like other empires.



There was a British empire. There was a Russian empire. There was a

German empire and a Japanese empire and a French and a Belgian empire, the

Dutch empire and the Spanish empire. And now there’s the American empire.

And our empire—and when we look at those empires, we say, “Oh,

imperialism! But our empire, no.” There was one sort of scholar who wrote

in the New York Times, he said, “We are an empire lite.” Lite? Tell

that to the people of Iraq. Tell that to the people in Afghanistan. You

know, we are an empire lite? No, we are heavy.



And yes—well, all you have to do is look at our history, and

you’ll see, no, our history does not show a beneficent country doing good

all over the world. Our history shows expansion. Our history shows

expansion. It shows us—well, yeah, it shows us moving into—doubling our

territory with the Louisiana Purchase, which I remember on our school maps

looked very benign. “Oh, there’s that, all that empty land, and now we

have it.” It wasn’t empty! There were people living there. There were

Indian tribes. Hundreds of Indian tribes were living there, you see? And if

it’s going to be ours, we’ve got to get rid of them. And we did. No.

And then, you know, we instigated a war with Mexico in 1848, 1846 to 1848,

and at the end of the war we take almost half of Mexico, you know. And why?

Well, we wanted that land. That’s very simple. We want things. There’s

a drive of nations that have the power and the capacity to bully other

nations, a tendency to expand into those—the areas that those other

nations have. We see it all over the world. And the United States has done

that again and again. And, you know, then we expanded into the Caribbean.

Then we expanded out into the Pacific with Hawaii and the Philippines, and

yeah. And, of course, you know, in the twentieth century, expanding our

influence in Europe and Asia and now in the Middle East, everywhere. An

expansionist country, an imperialist power.



For what? To do good things for these other people? Or is it because

we coveted—when I say “we,” I don’t mean to include you and me. But

I’ve gotten—you know, they’ve gotten us so used to identifying with

the government. You know, like we say “we,” like the janitor at General

Motors says “we.” No. No, the CEO of General Motors and the janitor are

not “we.”



So, no, we’re not—we’re not—exceptionalism is one part of the

mindset we have to get rid of. We have to see ourselves honestly for what

we are. We’re an empire like other empires. We’re as aggressive and

brutal and violent as the Belgians were in the Congo, as the British were

in India, and all these other empires. Yeah, we’re just like them. We

have to face it. And when you face that, you sober up a little, and then

you don’t think you can just go all over the world and say, “Ah,

we’re doing this for liberty and democracy,” because then, if you know

your history, you know how many times that was said. “Oh, we’re going

into the Philippines to bring civilization and Christianity to the

Filipinos.” “We’re going to bring civilization to the Mexicans,”

etc., etc. No. You’ll understand that. Yeah, that’s one element in this

mindset.



And then, of course, when you say this, when you say these things,

when you go back into that history, when you try to give an honest

recounting of what we have been—not “we,” really—what the

government, the government, has done, our government has done. The people

haven’t done it. People—we’re just people. The government does these

things, and then they try to include us, involve us in their criminal

conspiracy. You know, we didn’t do this. But they’re dragooning us into

this.



But when you start criticizing, when you start making an honest

assessment of what we have done in the world, they say you’re being

unpatriotic. Well, you have to—that’s another part of the mindset you

have to get rid of, because if you don’t, then you think you have to wear

a flag in your lapel or you think you have to always have American flags

around you, and you have to show, by your love for all this meaningless

paraphernalia, that you are patriotic. Well, that’s, you know—oh,

there, too, an honest presidential candidate would not be afraid to say,

“You know, patriotism is not a matter of wearing a flag in your lapel,

not a matter of this or not—patriotism is not supporting the government.

Patriotism is supporting the principles that the government is supposed to

stand for.” You know, so we need to redefine these things which we have

come—which have been thrown at us and which we’ve imbibed without

thinking, not thinking, “Oh, what really is patriotism?” If we start

really thinking about what it is, then we will reject these cries that

you’re not patriotic, and we’ll say, “Patriotism is not supporting

the government.” When the government does bad things, the most patriotic

thing you can do is to criticize the government, because that’s the

Declaration of Independence. That’s our basic democratic charter. The

Declaration of Independence says governments are set up by the people

to—they’re artificial creations. They’re set up to ensure certain

rights, the equal right to life, liberty, pursuit of happiness. So when

governments become destructive of those ends, the Declaration said, “it

is the Right of the People to alter or abolish” the government. That’s

our basic democratic charter. People have forgotten what it is. It’s OK

to alter or abolish the government when the government violates its trust.

And then you are being patriotic. I mean, the government violates its

trust, the government is being unpatriotic.



Yeah, so we have to think about these words and phrases that are

thrown at us without giving us a time to think. And, you know, we have to

redefine these words, like “national security.” What is national

security? Lawyers say, “Well, this is for national security.” Well,

that takes care of it. No, it doesn’t take care of it. This national

security means different things to different people. Ah, there’s some

people—for some people, national security means having military bases all

over the world. For other people, national security means having

healthcare, having jobs. You know, that’s security. And so, yeah, we need

to sort of redefine these things.



We need to redefine “terrorism.” Otherwise, the government can

throw these words at us: “Oh, we’re fighting against terrorism.” Oh,

well, then I guess we have to do this. Wait a while, what do you mean by

“terrorism”? Well, we sort of have an idea what terrorism means.

Terrorism means that you kill innocent people for some belief that you

have. Yeah, you know, sure, blowing up on 9/11, yeah, that was terrorist.

But if that’s the definition of “terrorism,” killing innocent people

for some belief you have, then war is terrorism.





AMY GOODMAN: Howard Zinn, the legendary historian, author of A People’s

History of the United States and much more, he was speaking at Binghamton

University. If you’d like a copy of today’s broadcast, you can go to

our website at democracynow.org. We’ll come back to the conclusion of his

address in a minute.



[break]



AMY GOODMAN: We return to historian Howard Zinn’s first speech after the

2008 election. The author of A People’s History of the United States

discusses the election, war, peace, and what this country symbolizes to the

rest of the world.



HOWARD ZINN: We have to stop thinking that solutions to problems are

military solutions, that you can solve problems with violence. You can’t

really. You don’t really solve problems with violence. We have to change

our definitions of “heroism.” Heroism in American culture, so far,

really—when people think of heroism, they think of military heroes. They

think of the people whose statues are all over the country, you know, and

they think of medals and battles. And yeah, these are military heroes. And

that’s why Obama goes along with that definition of military—of

“hero,” by referring to John McCain, you know, as a military hero,

always feeling that he must do that. I never felt he must do that. John

McCain, to my mind—and I know that this is a tough thing to accept and

may make some of the people angry—John McCain was tortured and bore up

under torture and was a victim of torture and imprisonment, and, you know,

it takes fortitude to that. He’s not a military hero. Before he was

imprisoned, he dropped bombs on innocent people. You know, he—yeah, he

did what the other members of the Air Force did. They dropped bombs on

peasant villages and killed a lot of innocent people. I don’t consider

that heroism. So, we have to redefine. To me, the great heroes are the

people who have spoken out against war. Those are the heroes, you know.



And so, well, I think—yeah, I think we have to change, change our

mindset. We have to understand certain things that we haven’t maybe

thought about enough. I think one of the things we haven’t thought about

enough—because this is basic, and this is crucial—we haven’t

realized, or at least not expressed it consciously, that the government’s

interests are not the same as our interests. Really. And so, when they talk

about the national interest, they’re creating what Kurt Vonnegut used to

call a “granfalloon.” A granfalloon was, so, a meaningless abstraction

and when you put together that don’t belong together, you see a

“national security”—no—and “national interest.” No, there’s

no one national interest. There’s the interest of the president of the

United States, and then there’s the interest of the young person he sends

to war. They’re different interests, you see? There is the interest of

Exxon and Halliburton, and there’s the interest of the worker, the

nurse’s aide, the teacher, the factory worker. Those are different

interests. Once you recognize that you and the government have different

interests, that’s a very important step forward in your thinking, because

if you think you have a common interest with the government, well, then it

means that if the government says you must do this and you must do that,

and it’s a good idea to go to war here, well, the government is looking

out for my interest. No, the government is not looking out for your

interest. The government has its own interests, and they’re not the

interests of the people. Not just true in the United States, it’s true

everywhere in the world. Governments generally do not represent the

interests of their people. See? That’s why governments keep getting

overthrown, because people at a certain point realize, “Hey! No, the

government is not serving my interest.”



That’s also why governments lie. Why do governments lie? You must

know that governments lie—not just our government; governments, in

general, lie. Why do they lie? They have to lie, because their interests

are different than the interests of ordinary people. If they told the

truth, they would be out of office. So you have to recognize, you know,

that the difference, difference in interest.



And the—well, I have to say something about war, a little more than

I have said, and what I say about them, because I’ve been emphasizing the

importance of renouncing war and not being a war-making nation, and because

it will not be enough to get us out of Iraq. One of these days, we’ll get

out of Iraq. We have to get out of Iraq. We don’t belong there. And

we’re going to have to get out of there. Sooner or later, we’re going

to have to get out of there. But we don’t want to have to—we don’t

want to get out of Iraq and then have to get out of somewhere else. We

don’t have to get out of Iraq but keep troops in Afghanistan, as

unfortunately, you know, Obama said, troops in Afghanistan. No, no

more—not just Iraq. We have to get into a mindset about renouncing war,

period, and which is a big step.



And my ideas about war, my thoughts about war, the sort of the

conclusions that I’ve come to about war, they really come from two

sources. One, from my study of history. Of course, not everybody who

studies history comes to the same conclusions. But, you know, you have to

listen to various people who study history and decide what makes more

sense, right? I’ve looked at various histories. I’ve concluded that my

history makes more sense. And I’ve always been an objective student of

these things, yes. But my—yeah, my ideas about war come from two sources.

One of them is studying history, the history of wars, the history of

governments, the history of empires. That history helps a lot in

straightening out your thinking.



And the other is my own experience in war. You know, I was in World

War II. I was a Air Force bombardier. I dropped bombs on various cities in

Europe. That doesn’t make me an expert. Lots of people were in wars, and

they all come out with different opinions. Well, so all I can do is give

you my opinion based on my thinking after having been in a war. I was an

enthusiastic enlistee in the Air Force. I wanted to be in the war, war

against fascism, the “good war,” right? But at the end of the war, as I

looked around and surveyed the world and thought about what I had done and

thought about—and learned about Hiroshima and Nagasaki and learned about

Dresden and learned about Hamburg and learned things I didn’t even

realize while I was bombing, because when you’re involved in a military

operation, you don’t think. You just—you’re an automaton, really. You

may be a well-educated and technically competent automaton, but that’s

what you—you aren’t really—you’re not questioning, not questioning

why. “Why are they sending me to bomb this little town? When the war is

almost over, there’s no reason for dropping bombs on several thousand

people.” No, you don’t think.



Well, I began to think after the war and began to think that—and I

was thinking now about the good war, the best war, and I was thinking,

“Oh.” And then I began to see, no, this good war is not simply good.

This best of wars, no. And if that’s true of this war, imagine what is

true of all the other obviously ugly wars about which you can’t even use

the word “good.”



So, yeah, and I began to realize certain things, that war corrupts

everybody, corrupts everybody who engages in it. You start off, they’re

the bad guys. You make an interesting psychological jump. The jump is this:

since they’re the bad guys, you must be the good guys. No, they may very

well be the bad guys. They may be fascists and dictators and bad, really

bad guys. That doesn’t mean you’re good, you know? And when I began to

look at it that way, I realized that wars are fought by evils on both

sides. You know, one is a little more evil than the other. But even though

you start in a war with sort of good intentions—we’re going to defeat

fascism, we’re going to do this—you end up being corrupted, you end up

being violent, you end up killing a lot of innocent people, because

you’ve decided from the beginning that you’re right, and then you

don’t have to ask questions anymore. That’s an interesting

psychological thing that you—trick that you play. Well, you start

out—you make a decision at the very beginning. The decision is: they’re

wrong, I’m right. Once you have made that decision, you don’t have to

think anymore. Then anything you do goes. Anything you do is OK, because

you made the decision early on that they’re bad, you’re good. Then you

can kill several hundred thousand people in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Then

you can kill 100,000 people in Dresden. It doesn’t matter. You’re not

thinking about it. Yeah, war corrupts everybody who engages in it.



So what else can I say about war? Lots of things. But I took out my

watch presumably because I care. And I don’t. But I—you know, people

will present you with humanitarian awards. Oh, this is for a good cause.

The thing about war is the outcome is unpredictable. The immediate thing

you do is predictable. The immediate thing you do is horrible, because war

is horrible. And if somebody promises you that, “Well, this is horrible,

like we have to bomb these hundreds of thousands of people in Japan. This

is horrible, but it’s leading to a good thing,” truth is, you never

know what this is leading to. You never know the outcome. You never know

what the future is. You know that the present is evil, and you’re asked

to commit this evil for some possible future good. Doesn’t make sense,

especially since if you look at the history of wars, you find out that

those so-called future goods don’t materialize. You know, the future good

of World War II was, “Oh, now we’re rid of fascism. Now we’re going

to have a good world, a peaceful world. Now the UN Charter, the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights. 50 million people died in World War II, but

now it’s going to be OK.” Well, you’ve lived these years since World

War II. Has it been OK? Can you say that those 50 million lives

were—yeah, it had to be done because—because of what? No, the

wars—violence in general is a quick fix. It may give you a feeling that

you’ve accomplished something, but it’s unpredictable in its ends. And

because it’s corrupting, the ends are usually bad.



So, OK, I won’t say anything more about war. And, you know, of

course, it wastes people. It wastes wealth. It’s an enormous, enormous

waste.



And so, what is there to do? We need to educate ourselves and other

people. We need to educate ourselves in history. History is very important.

That’s why I went into a little history, because, you know, if you

don’t know history, it’s as if you were born yesterday. If you were

born yesterday, then any leader can tell you anything, you have no way of

checking up on it. History is very important. I don’t mean formal

history, what you learn in a classroom. No, history, if you’re learning,

go to the library. Go—yeah, go to the library and read, read, learn,

learn history. Yeah, so we have an educational job to do with history.



We have an educational job to do about our relationship to

government, you know, and to realize that disobedience is essential to

democracy, you see. And it’s important to understand democracy is not the

three branches of government. It’s not what they told us in junior high

school. “Oh, this is democracy. We have three branches of government,

kiddos, the legislative, the executive, judicial. We have checks and

balances that balance one another out. If somebody does something bad, it

will be checked by”—wow! What a neat system! Nothing can go wrong.

Well, now, those structures are not democracy. Democracy is the people.

Democracy is social movements. That’s what democracy is. And what history

tells us is that when injustices have been remedied, they have not been

remedied by the three branches of government. They’ve been remedied by

great social movements, which then push and force and pressure and threaten

the three branches of government until they finally do something. Really,

that’s democracy.



And no, we mustn’t be pessimistic. We mustn’t be cynical. We

mustn’t think we’re powerless. We’re not powerless. That’s where

history comes in. If you look at history, you see people felt powerless and

felt powerless and felt powerless, until they organized, and they got

together, and they persisted, and they didn’t give up, and they built

social movements. Whether it was the anti-slavery movement or the black

movement of the 1960s or the antiwar movement in Vietnam or the women’s

movement, they started small and apparently helpless; they became powerful

enough to have an effect on the nation and on national policy. We’re not

powerless. We just have to be persistent and patient, not patient in the

passive sense, but patient in the active sense of having a kind of faith

that if all of us do little things—well, if all of us do little things,

at some point there will be a critical mass created. Those little things

will add up. That’s what has happened historically. People were

disconsolate, and people thought they couldn’t end, but they kept doing,

doing, doing, and then something important happened.



And I’ll leave you with just one more thought, that if you do that,

if you join some group, if you join whatever the group is, a group that’s

working on, you know, gender equality or racism or immigrant rights or the

environment or the war, whatever group you join or whatever little action

you take, you know, it will make you feel better. It will make you feel

better. And I’m not saying we should do all these things just to make

ourselves feel better, but it’s good to know that life becomes more

interesting and rewarding when you become involved with other people in

some great social cause. Thank you.





AMY GOODMAN: Legendary historian Howard Zinn, speaking at Binghamton

University, Upstate New York, just after the election, on November 8th.

Howard Zinn is author of, among many other books, A People’s History of

the United States.







Alan L. Maki

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